A study on the condition and status of religious minorities in India in the context of representation and reservation with special emphasis on the Muslim religious community.
A Report by : Chaitanya Talla, Faiza Arifn Khan, Navya vemula, Shehanas Pazhoor, Shilanajani Bhattacharyya, (Students of TISS, Hyderabad)
A report on the question: ‘it happens so that a constitutional review committee is set up and you have to address the president of the committee on the question of minority rights and representation. What would your addressal be like? Why?’
INTRODUCTION
“The smallest minority on earth is the individual.
Those who deny individual rights cannot claim to be defenders of minorities.”-Ayn Rand
India is a land of a multitude of minorities. The subject of
minorities in India has always been a perennial source of discussion, debate
and deliberations.
A minority can be defined as a group of people
with a relatively lesser population as compared to the dominant group of the
society in which they live. They possess ethnic, cultural, religious and
linguistic differences with the rest of the population of their immediate
surroundings.This
report analyses the condition and status of religious minorities in India in
the context of representation and reservation in political and social
institutions, with special emphasis on the most celebrated religious minority-the
Muslims. Commencing with the reference to the Constitution of India, this
report analyses how the constitution has enshrined certain provisions for the
minority communities’, especially the religious minorities. Subsequently, the
report also examines to what extent these groups are treated in accordance with
the tenets of the constitution. In continuation with this, the report tries to
ferret out the hidden faults and farces within the constitution in the context
of providing reservation to the religious minority groups in various aspects of
the political and social sphere.The report
evaluates the present status of Muslims in India, while trying to answer why
Muslims are the most celebrated minority in India; this has also been
substantiated by the analysis of the Sachar Committee Report and the survey conducted
by the group members in the Andhra Pradesh Academy of Rural Development (APARD),
in the course of the study.The report
also engages with the definition of the term ‘minority’ while creating a
linkage between the numerical strength of the minorities and the widespread
backwardness of the individuals of these communities.The report
examines whether religious minorities in India have adequate political
representation or not. It also evaluates and weighs the advantages and
disadvantages of giving political safeguards to religious minorities in India
such as the Muslims. The report also proposes feasible suggestions and
practical alternatives to the reservation of all religious minorities in the
political arena. The objective of these recommendations is to achieve
participation of backward communities including religious minorities in such a
way that communal clashes and conflicts may be avoided. In the concluding section of the report, the
role of affirmative actions has also been discussed. The entire report is
directed towards answering the question: how can individuals be given primary importance
in social and political spheres while simultaneously ensuring group
rights? INDIAN CONSTITUTION AND RELIGIOUS MINORITIES
The state of religious minorities in India can
be traced to the very framework of the constitution.Being the supreme document on the
administration of India, the constitution and its content engages with the
religious minorities in India while postulating the ideals of how should they
be treated through respect and care.
The participation and inclusion of religious
minorities in India in the realm of politics is significantly rooted in the
Constitutional provisions. In 1948, the first draft of the Constitution was
inclusive of the political safeguards for religious minorities in the form of reserved
seats in legislatures, quotas in government employment, representation in the
Cabinet and the establishment of administrative machinery, which was vested
with the duty of supervising and protecting the minority rights. Thus, all
minority groups, religious as well as the so-called 'backward' sections were
included in the ambit of these provisions in the initial proposals and in the
first draft of the Constitution in 1948.
The British administrators ensured and
provided political safeguards to all the religious minorities. They were given
reservation in the political sphere and separate constituencies were allotted
to them. But the sole purpose behind this was to achieve their aim of divide
and rule policy in India even though they had claimed that these provisions
were aimed at respecting the diversity of religious minorities while ensuring
them equal rights of citizenship.
There were many debates and discussions in the
constituent assembly regarding the treatment of the minorities especially
regarding the subject of provision of reserved political safeguards. But there
was a remarkable reversal in which, by the time of the final draft of the
Constitution, religious minorities were excluded from the purview of all
political safeguards, which came to be restricted mainly to the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes (the political minority).
One can recognise a connection between the
exclusion of religious minorities from the political realm with the partition
of the country and the subsequent events which led to the absence of a strong
voice which would have demanded the inclusion of religious minorities in the
sphere of political reservations.
Thus the religious minorities were separated
from the ambit of the political safeguards that the Indian constitution
provides, though at the state level, reservation in government jobs and
educational institutions continued to be provided to all religious as well as
political minorities.
In the original constitutional document there
exist a number of articles regarding the treatment of the minorities. Some of
the major constitutional provisions which deal with religious minorities are:
Article 29 and 30 allow the preservation of the culture, script and language for all
religious groups. These provisions should ensure minorities’ equal share in
state funds and educational institutions, while giving them the freedom of
religion and the freedom of setting up their own educational and administrative
institutions.
Along with this, part XVI of the
constitution of Article 330 provides the reservation of seats for SCs/STs
in the House of the People. In Article 332 there is also a provision of
reservation of seats for schedule caste and schedule tribes in the legislative
assemblies of the state.
Article 335 gives reservation
to SCs and STs in central and state government jobs and services. This is
applicable for OBCs as per the recommendations of the Mandal commission report.
In accordance with the implementation of this report, 27 % of the reservations
are provided for the OBCs in the centre and state level educational
institutions and services.
The 73rd and 74th Amendment Acts
provide SCs/STs and OBCs with reservation to the seats of the Panchayat Raj institutions.
On analysis of the 73rd and 74th Amendment Act, we can infer that
under the guise of OBCs, certain religious communities, such as Muslims are
implicitly included in the political realm, which defies the Constitution as it
does not provide any representation to religious minorities such as the
Muslims.MINORITIES: AN INSIGHTOn analysis of the constitutional provisions
it is evident that, though the Indian constitution provides special protection to
minority groups, only the SCs and STs are considered as the political minority,
and hence are given political safeguards while religious minorities are
excluded from the provision of political reservation.
Even though minorities are identified by their
relatively lesser numerical strength, one needs to restrain from restricting
minorities to a numerical concept. One can do justice to the definition of a
minority only by emphasising on the backwardness and social subjugation that
minorities face and endure. For example, Hyderabad is a city with a majority of
Muslims but still they are considered to be the minority group. This
consideration is primarily due to the backwardness of the Muslims in the city.
This backwardness includes educational as well as economic backwardness which
translate into the social backwardness of individuals within the religious
minority community. Backwardness is indeed an intrinsic part of a minority
community. In fact, as substantiated by the example of Hyderabad, it is
appropriate to state that a community can be called a minority on the basis of
its backwardness and not only on the basis of its lesser numerical strength.
PROMINENCE
OF MUSLIMS AS A MINORITY
Muslims are the most celebrated religious
minority community in India. All questions and debates around religious minority
issues automatically direct towards the Muslim Community. Among the many
religious minorities of India, Muslims are the major minority. Muslims become
central to all religious minority debates in India because though they are the
majority among minorities, they also receive the largest share of backwardness
in the society. In fact, it can be inferred that their backwardness is more conspicuous
than their numerical strength, which makes them the most prominent religious
minority in India. Backwardness of Muslims: An analysis of the
Sachar Committee Report.
The backwardness of the Muslims in India is
brought to light by the Sachar Committee Report which has reviewed the
conditions of Muslims in socio-economic spheres. The report has identified many
problems that Muslims face such as identity related issues which brand them as
anti-nationalists, security related concerns which make them feel insecure and
inferior, leading to ghettorization. Equity related issues like widespread
discrimination and prejudices against the Muslims in the social arena are also
prominent. The findings of the Sachar Committee report also elaborate the low educational
profiles of Muslims, low participation in public sector jobs, limited
involvement in Government programmes and unequal access to benefits provided by
the Government. The report also emphasizes on the low living standards of
Muslims in general, which lead to widespread poverty and deprivation.
Survey of APARD.
In the course of the survey that was conducted
in the Andhra Pradesh Academy of Rural development (APARD), Mr. Moiz Khan,
Personal Secretary to the commissioner of APARD was interviewed. From the
information that was provided by him it was evident that among the total 215
members of this particular Governmental institution, only 10 members were
Muslims. Out of these 10, 5 were in official positions and the rest were
contractors and drivers. He also stated
that even the educated and efficient Muslims were not getting the right
representation in the Governmental educational institutions and in Government
jobs. Thus, these findings from the survey justify and validate the Sachar
committee report.
The interview with one of the drivers, Mr.
Manzoor Ali, provided an insight into the backwardness of Muslims in his village.
The adults in his village were not educated at all, resulting in acute
backwardness. He himself had been educated till the 9th standard. His account
threw light on the low educational profile of Muslims in his village, leading
us to understand the general backwardness of Muslims in villages. Thus, all
these vouch for the backwardness of the Muslims in and around Hyderabad.
As mentioned in the Sachar Committee Report,
Muslims are faced with issues of insecurity and inferiority, which lead to widespread
discrimination against Muslims. It was evident from the account of Mr. Manzoor
Ali, that there exists a perennial communal tension in Hyderabad, as a result
of which the Muslim community is always under the threat of being oppressed and
victimised. All these factors point towards the tyranny of the majority that is
capable of posing potential threats to the well being and welfare of religious
minorities like the Muslims.
On analyzing the Sachar Committee Report, it
was observed that the conditions of Muslims in the spheres of education,
poverty, employment, security and other social indicators are regressive and
more backward as compared to the conditions of SCs and STs in these social
parameters. This reveals the farce that is enshrined in the Indian Constitution
in the form of political safeguards and reservations to SCs and STs, as opposed
to religious minorities like the Muslims who are even more backward than the
SCs and STs, but do not receive any political safeguards.
MUSLIM RELIGIOUS COMMUNITY AND POLITICAL REPRESENTATION
The
context of exclusion of religious minorities from political reservations leads
us to the burning question that is political representation through reservation
for religious minorities such as the Muslims a panacea for their social and
economic backwardness?
By analysing the benefits that the increasing
political representation brings to the minority community, it can be assumed
that through political reservations, the minority community will get a say in
the policy making of the government, leading to better implementation of favourable
policies and welfare schemes for the minority communities. Also, giving
political representation to minorities shall not lead to partiality as there exists
a system of joint electorates. This joint electorate system forces the representatives
to be impartial as support of all religious communities is required by the
representative in order to get re-elected in the next election. The community
from which the representative comes will be benefitted, without curbing other
communities’ opportunities to avail similar benefits. Thus, in this way, the
overall condition of the religious minority community can be improved.
But on analysis of the negative impacts of
political reservation to the religious minorities, it can be identified that giving
political representation to the religious minorities can lead to communalism
and fundamentalism. In this way, Political reservations will directly translate
into political identity becoming synonymous to religious identity, due to the
prevalence of religious homogeneity in the political arena as a result of
reservation to religious minorities. So this kind of politics along religious
lines will lead to increasing support of Muslims towards pro-Muslim parties, as
opposed to the Hindus favouring the pro-Hindutva parties. Thus each community will
start creating political parties along the lines of their own religion. This
may potentially lead to a complete polarization of the Indian society.
Thus, by giving religion a space in politics,
we are directly inching towards the situation of communal violence and clashes
between religions. Such disturbances will lead to ineffective implementation of
policies. Looking back at historical evidence, we find that the desires and
demands of the Muslim League, which was a religiously homogenously political
party, led to the partition of the country.
The political desires of Muslim league and the
subsequent partition of the country had led to major differences in the
Northern and Southern parts of India. In the north, the partition caused a
gaping brain drain, as the majority of Muslim intellectuals migrated to east
and West Pakistan. Also, the Muslims agitated for the status of Urdu as the
national Language, which lead to further conflicts, finally resulting in the overall
backwardness of the Muslims in Northern India. As contrasted with northern
India, southern India did not undergo tensions and conflicts regarding the claims
of Urdu being the national language. Also, the political structure of the
Southern region especially Kerala contribute to the relative improvement of the
Muslim community as compared to Northern India.
POLITICAL REPRESENTATION WITHOUT COMMUNAL CONFLICTS: AN ALTERNATIVE
IDEA.
At the very onset, there needs to be a proper
categorization of the religious minority community in itself, as there exists
internal differences within the community. Because of this, many of the
benefits that the government offers are availed only by the affluent and
powerful groups within the religious community, depriving those who are actually
backward, within the very same religious community. Thus, it is very essential
to identify and categorize the people of any religious community on the lines
of social and economic backwardness.
According to the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Orders (Amendment) Act,
1990, the Scheduled castes only accommodate backward groups among Hindus,
Buddhists and Sikhs. So, if a Scheduled Caste member converts into Islam from
Hinduism, he/she will lose his/her identity as a scheduled caste as Muslims are
not included in the category of SCs. This also directly implies the fact that
on converting to Islam, the former SC member would also lose his/her right to
political representation through reservation, even though the condition of
backwardness still persists with the individual. Thus, the status of SCs should
be made religion neutral. Religious neutrality in the case of Scheduled Castes
will enable people to freely choose their religious faith while accommodating
backward individuals across both majority and minority religious communities in
the purview of the reserved category of SCs. This will greatly enable religious
minorities such as the Muslims to increase their involvement in Politics
through reservation on the basis of backwardness.Hence, the category of Scheduled Castes should
be broadened and every individual who has been identified as backward across
all religious communities, both minority and majority should be accommodated
under the SC community and given political representation.This brings us to the question of how
political representation can be tactfully ensured for the religious minority
groups in such a way that it leads to proper implementation of policies, while
preventing the resurgence of fundamentalism, communalism and communal violence.Ever since the time of independence, political
parties formed on religious lines, such as the Muslim League were one of the
major causes behind the fragmentation of the nation into two. Even in recent times,
such political parties are capable of inviting threats of fundamentalism and
communalism, thus putting national unity at stake.So, yet another possible and practical
solution would be integrating people from various religious communities into
larger national level parties and making them contest elections. Thus, when
homogenous religious parties get amalgamated into larger national level
political parties which accommodate individuals from all religions, this has a
direct effect in policy making as grievances of minority groups get larger
exposure and hence get addressed and resolved in a more effective way.
For instance in Kerala, the Muslim league
party of the state is amalgamated with the Congress Party, resulting in a
coalition which is known as the UDF- (United Democratic Fund).
Such instances of collaboration are also found
in Canada. According to Andrew Reynolds (2008) “Francophone Canadian
parliamentarians are overwhelmingly found on the benches of the Bloc Quebecois,
but other parliamentarians from minority communities are found in all the main
political parties”. (Page no: 5/
Promoting Inclusive Parliaments: The Representation of Minorities And Indigenous
People In the Parliament/2008)
Hence, it can be inferred that it is not religion, but socio-economic
backwardness, being an integral part of minority religious communities, should
be accorded more significance. There are many groups within the minority religion
that are economically and socially backward. Hence, it is more important to
look into the backwardness of a religious minority and adopt measures to
alleviate such misery. In fact, backwardness does not limit itself to religious
minorities only. Thus, one should direct policies towards backward groups of
individuals across all religious communities both majority and minority, as an
aftermath of proper identification and categorisation of backward individuals. This
can be achieved through affirmative actions.
ALLEVIATING BACKWARDNESS: AFFIRMATIVE ACTIONS
Taking into account the backwardness and the low education profile of
religious minorities such as the Muslims , it can inferred that even though
they are provided with political reservations, there backwardness will prevent
them from developing commendable leadership qualities and level-headed
judgments which will in turn make them vulnerable to fundamentalism and
communalism. Thus, we need to think beyond the mere provisions of political
representation. The need of the hour is the empowerment of the backward
communities. This can be done through various affirmative actions such as setting
up of educational institutions in backward Muslim areas and providing
scholarship to the meritorious students among the backward communities. Also,
through proper categorization, the deserving category within the community
should be made capable of availing these benefits.
Also, there should be proper
channelization and implementation of policies in spheres of education,
employment, financial empowerment, and other social security measures. Along
with providing equal citizenship to all individuals, the society should strive
towards recognising and respecting the diversity of religious minorities. Along
with proper political administration, certain non political institutions such
as NGOs should also be bestowed with the duty of spreading awareness and empowerment.
CONCLUSION:
As an aftermath of engaging with the subject of political reservation to
religious minorities, it can be inferred that one needs to give more importance
and prominence to the individual, through recognition and realization of the
problems that individuals face as a result of backwardness. Thus, it can be
asserted that once the individual of any religious community, both majority and
minority is protected socially, economically and politically, it will lead to a
general alleviation of the backwardness of the entire religious community to
which the individuals belong. Thus, one needs to look beyond the subject of
religion and focus on the backwardness of individuals within the religious
community. Hence, reservation should not be along the lines of religion but
along the lines of identified backwardness across all religious groups both
majorities and minorities. Consequently, as a result of proper categorisation
and identification, if backwardness across all religious communities is
identified and politically represented, it will lead to an egalitarian social
structure in which communal conflicts will be curbed, and socio-economic
backwardness will be alleviated, paving way for the harmonious co-existence of
various religions in the Indian society.
A minority can be defined as a group of people
with a relatively lesser population as compared to the dominant group of the
society in which they live. They possess ethnic, cultural, religious and
linguistic differences with the rest of the population of their immediate
surroundings.This
report analyses the condition and status of religious minorities in India in
the context of representation and reservation in political and social
institutions, with special emphasis on the most celebrated religious minority-the
Muslims. Commencing with the reference to the Constitution of India, this
report analyses how the constitution has enshrined certain provisions for the
minority communities’, especially the religious minorities. Subsequently, the
report also examines to what extent these groups are treated in accordance with
the tenets of the constitution. In continuation with this, the report tries to
ferret out the hidden faults and farces within the constitution in the context
of providing reservation to the religious minority groups in various aspects of
the political and social sphere.The report
evaluates the present status of Muslims in India, while trying to answer why
Muslims are the most celebrated minority in India; this has also been
substantiated by the analysis of the Sachar Committee Report and the survey conducted
by the group members in the Andhra Pradesh Academy of Rural Development (APARD),
in the course of the study.The report
also engages with the definition of the term ‘minority’ while creating a
linkage between the numerical strength of the minorities and the widespread
backwardness of the individuals of these communities.The report
examines whether religious minorities in India have adequate political
representation or not. It also evaluates and weighs the advantages and
disadvantages of giving political safeguards to religious minorities in India
such as the Muslims. The report also proposes feasible suggestions and
practical alternatives to the reservation of all religious minorities in the
political arena. The objective of these recommendations is to achieve
participation of backward communities including religious minorities in such a
way that communal clashes and conflicts may be avoided. In the concluding section of the report, the
role of affirmative actions has also been discussed. The entire report is
directed towards answering the question: how can individuals be given primary importance
in social and political spheres while simultaneously ensuring group
rights? INDIAN CONSTITUTION AND RELIGIOUS MINORITIES
Article 335 gives reservation
to SCs and STs in central and state government jobs and services. This is
applicable for OBCs as per the recommendations of the Mandal commission report.
In accordance with the implementation of this report, 27 % of the reservations
are provided for the OBCs in the centre and state level educational
institutions and services.
Such instances of collaboration are also found
in Canada. According to Andrew Reynolds (2008) “Francophone Canadian
parliamentarians are overwhelmingly found on the benches of the Bloc Quebecois,
but other parliamentarians from minority communities are found in all the main
political parties”. (Page no: 5/
Promoting Inclusive Parliaments: The Representation of Minorities And Indigenous
People In the Parliament/2008)
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